Australia–Japan Research Project at the Australian War Memorial

Army operations in the South Pacific area: Papua campaigns, 1942–1943
Chapter 3: Planning and cancellation of the United States–Australia blockade operation


(A translation of Bôeichô Bôei Kenshûjo Senshishitsu (ed), Senshi sôsho: Minami Taiheiyô Rikugun sakusen <1> Pôto Moresubi–Gashima shoko sakusen (War history series: South Pacific area army operations (1), Port Moresby–Guadalcanal first campaigns) (Tokyo: Asagumo Shinbunsha, 1968): 119–166.)
Translated by Dr Steven Bullard


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Chapter contents

Chapter 3: Planning and cancellation of the United States–Australia blockade operation

Imperial Headquarters’ conception of stage two operations


Preparations for the Fiji and Samoa Operation by Imperial Headquarters
Formation of the 17th Army
Cancellation of the FS Operation
Notes



The war entered a new stage after the fall of Java and Rangoon in early March 1942. This was the transition from stage one to stage two operations. The campaign adopted for the opening of stage two was an advance into key strategic areas at the periphery of the region occupied during stage one. Representative of these operations were the advances into Midway and the Aleutian Islands, and the operation to blockade the United States and Australia.

The United States–Australia blockade operation (known as the "FS Operation", or simply the "F Operation") consisted of invading New Caledonia and Fiji, key locations in the South Pacific on the line of communication between the United States and Australia.

While the operation was scheduled to start on 18 May 1942, internal wrangling within Imperial Headquarters over the leadership of stage two operations caused numerous serious arguments. This wrangling characterises the antagonism that developed between the army and navy concerning the war more generally and operational leadership in the wider context of the Greater East Asian War. This is detailed in the History of Imperial Headquarters volume, but the issue as it relates to the FS Operation will be discussed in this chapter.

Imperial Headquarters’ conception of stage two operations

Plans for stage two at the outbreak of war

Did Imperial Headquarters hold plans for, or have any conception of, stage two operations at the time of the start of the war in December 1941?

The operation against the United States, Britain, and the Netherlands planned by the Army Department of Imperial Headquarters was called the Southern Operation. As the name implies, it was limited to the invasion of key strategic areas in the Southern Area. The extract in the planning documents relating to the objective of stage two operations stated the following: "The strongholds of the United States, Britain, and then the Netherlands in eastern Asia will be destroyed, and key strategic locations in the Southern Area will be occupied and secured."[1] Planning for offensive campaigns in the Southern Area specified nothing more than that key areas were to be secured after the invasion.

In contrast, the navy’s operational policy (within the navy, planning an operation was called "operational policy") against the United States, Britain, and the Netherlands clearly divided the operation into two stages: offensive campaigns in the Southern Area, and subsequent campaigns. An outline of operational leadership for both stages was clearly established, and contained the following:

Quickly attack and destroy enemy fleet and air strengths in the eastern Pacific. Occupy and secure key strategic locations in the southern region and establish a long-term and unassailable footing. In addition, attack and destroy the enemy fleet, ultimately crushing their fighting spirit.[2] This makes clear, in general, the policy through to the end of the war. The overview of leadership for stage two was established with the same gravity as stage one, as follows:[3]
From this overview it seems clear that a protracted campaign was envisaged, with the securing of Japanese transport routes and the disruption of Allied supply lines as the central elements. A decisive ambush was planned within the scope of Japanese influence for attacks on the main Allied naval strength. With agreement on this point, this policy was clearly dealt with in the content of the submission to the emperor by the navy chief of staff, as well as in the investigations of the "Strategic prospects for the early stages and subsequent years of war against the United States, Britain, and the Netherlands" in discussions at the Imperial Headquarters–government liaison conference held in October 1941.

The fact that the Army Department of Imperial Headquarters had no plans whatsoever for stage two operations against the United States, Britain, and the Netherlands is principally put down to the traditional ideology of apportioning operational regions of responsibility to the army and navy (although this ideology was itself the target of much criticism). The main strategic concerns for the Army Department of Imperial Headquarters in the period after the invasion of key areas in the southern region were the continental fronts in China and Burma, and preparations against the Soviet Union. The main thrust of the operations in the southern region concerned breaking transport routes and air battles. Any decisive counter-attack from the Allies would come from air and sea strengths through the Pacific. This was to be carried out through a decisive naval battle, and was felt to be the sole domain of the navy.[4]

From these historical conditions, the conceptions of stage two campaigns adopted by Imperial Headquarters in planning at the beginning of the war were fundamentally policies adopting maintenance and protection, with the central point being a decisive battle against the main strength of the US fleet within the Japanese sphere of operations. A "Draft plan facilitating the end of war with the United States, Britain, the Netherlands, and Chiang Kai-shek" was formulated at the liaison conference on 15 November 1941. (Editor’s note: This was the actual leadership plan during the war.) The object of military conflict was modified in this plan as follows:[5] Consequences of success in the early stages of the operation

The sweeping naval victory at Hawaii at the opening of the war allowed contemplation that Japan was on the verge of an unprecedented victory. Subsequent army campaigns also continued to achieve unimagined successes.

Evaluation of the actual conditions within this mood was calm and reasonable, but it was extremely difficult to appropriately conduct operational leadership in subsequent battles.

Immediately after the victory at Hawaii, senior officers within the Army Department of Imperial Headquarters began investigating campaigns and operational leadership for offensive operations in key southern areas.

The Army Department’s strategy was to try and establish a long-term unassailable position from a base of largely predetermined occupied territories. The essential underlying policy was the completion of military preparations guarding against attack from the Soviet Union. The conclusion of the "Judgment of the situation in the northern region following the outbreak of war with the United States, Britain, and the Netherlands" was as follows:[6]
The army was most alert to the possible outbreak of war between Japan and the Soviet Union owing to military cooperation between the United States and the Soviets.

As early as 15 December 1941, the 2nd (Operations) Section and 3rd (War Mobilisation) Section of Imperial Headquarters and the head of the Military Affairs Section of the Army Ministry presented a memorandum of understanding, as follows: "Following on the completion of offensive operations in the southern area, military strength in the region will be reduced to approximately two hundred thousand (from approximately four hundred thousand at the start of the war)." On 18 December, army chief of staff Sugiyama impressed on his subordinates the necessity of accelerating preparations for operations against the Soviet Union by the Kwantung Army, with the northern summer of 1942 set as a target date. His chief of operations confirmed in principle that "Preparations for operations against the Soviet Union would be completed by the spring of 1942."[7]

Army General Staff subsequently explained to the Army Ministry the plan that if the southern region operations could be completed by 24 February 1942, then an appropriate force from the south could be redeployed to the north (Manchuria).

In this way, the Army Department of Imperial Headquarters generally envisaged establishing a long-term unassailable position based in conducting a military build up against Soviet military action, and in adopting a defensive strategy in the southern region. But what had the Navy Department envisaged?

The navy had noted the smooth progress of various victories to this point, but was extremely anxious about initiating the second stage of the operation. The navy’s operational planning was divided into two broad categories.

The first concerned launching a direct attack against Australia and as much as possible foiling any counter-attack by blockading the supply route between Australia and the United States, all the while aiming to establish a long-term unassailable position. The second involved luring the main strength of the US fleet into destruction in a short-term decisive battle through attacks against places like Midway and Hawaii.

At that time, the idea of establishing a long-term position was favoured within the Navy General Staff. The Combined Fleet, however, was opposed to this view, and strongly pressed for a decisive short-term victory.

Neither the policies of a decisive short-term victory nor of protracted offensives were, however, made clear in stage two operational policies developed in the pre-war period.

The chief of staff of the Combined Fleet, Vice Admiral Ugaki, recorded the following in his diary dated 5 January 1942:[8]

Ugaki’s diary entry clearly indicates the mood of uncertainty prevalent at that time.

Debate concerning attack on the Australian mainland

Research for stage two operations was undertaken by the army and navy as a basis for their planning. Staff officers from the Army Department and Navy Department carried out concurrent research and discussions, including at the Imperial Headquarters–government liaison conferences. Research continued through late February and early March, further delaying the conclusion of the debate on whether to attack Australia.

Fundamentally, however, the army opposed the invasion of Australia and Hawaii on the grounds that they would extend national strengths beyond their limits. They did not oppose the United States–Australia blockade operation because of their faith in the absolute superiority of the Japanese navy’s capabilities.

The navy’s argument was that establishing a defensive posture was disadvantageous to the execution of long-term strategies. It was vital to adopt aggressive operational leadership whenever possible, thus forcing the enemy to take the defensive position.[9] Underlying this basic policy was support for the invasion of Australia, the main area from which the United States would launch counter-offensives against the Japanese. This was leadership of stage two operations through offensive strategies in the Pacific Ocean area, strategies that it was hoped would hasten the end of the war through naval surface battles in the region.[10]

The reasons for the army’s opposition to this policy were that the invasion of Australia was expected to require 12 army divisions, in addition to transport shipping requirements of approximately 1,500,000 tonnes. Reflecting on the bitter experience of the China Incident, the chances were high that an invasion would extend over the whole of the Australian continent.

In order to supply these troops, the size of the Japanese build up against the Soviet Union in Manchuria and the strength of the main China front would need to be substantially reduced. This was, however, considered extremely disadvantageous to the stability of the overall long-term position.

Of more importance was the problem of shipping. The total amount of shipping conscripted by the army at the beginning of the war amounted to 2,100,000 tonnes. However, it was planned that following the operations in the southern region, these ships would be gradually discharged after five months had elapsed from the outbreak of war (around April 1942) until the total tonnage was around 1,000,000 tonnes by July 1942. In normal times, Japan maintained around 3,000,000 tonnes of civilian commercial shipping. Virtually this entire amount was initially mobilised for the war effort. This plan facilitated a long-term war of a scale commensurate with the national strength outlined in the materials mobilisation plan of fiscal 1941.

This way of thinking was a fundamental prerequisite for war leadership. If the required levels of shipping were allowed to deteriorate, then it was clear that this would directly damage national material strength. Even if the army could supply the required strength for the proposal to invade Australia, there were grave fears that the problem of supplying shipping would destroy the fundamental basis for executing the war.[11]

The pressing issue of strengthening policies was discussed at the Imperial Headquarters–government liaison conference on 10 January 1942. It was decided to blockade the supply from Britain and the United States in India, and to deny British cooperation. With regards to Australia (including New Zealand), the following was determined:

Consequently, the proposal was made on 15 January that the Army Department mainly be responsible for India, and the Navy Department be responsible for Australia.[12] The designs of the navy concerning Australia increasingly came to be supported in this way.

Central to this problem was the "Outline of future war leadership". Discussions within the army and navy offices of Imperial Headquarters continued from mid-February, but confusion compounded without any conclusions being reached.

To alleviate this confusion, a conference between heads of the various army and navy sections (comprising the heads of both the army and navy Military Administration Bureau and Operations Department) was held on 4 March. The initial position argued by the navy was as follows:
The opinions in opposition to this expressed by the army were as follows:

The discussion continued for three hours, after which time the navy did not express a desire to invade the distant areas of Hawaii and Australia, but argued the necessity of destroying the enemy’s bases of operations and preventing the initiation of the enemy counter-attack at an appropriate time and place.

As a result, agreement was reached concerning the essence of the "Outline of essential future war leadership", as follows:

Up to that point, the navy had strongly emphasised the removal of "continuing preparations to establish a long-term unassailable position" in the first clause introduced above.

This overview of war leadership was adopted without alteration at the Imperial Headquarters–government liaison conference three days later. Detailed investigation of the issues surrounding the "Outline of essential future war leadership", which seems to have been moderated by army and navy disagreements, is undertaken in the History of Imperial Headquarters and History of war leadership volumes of this series. The establishment of the outline effectively ended debate concerning the invasion of Australia.

Research for the FS Operation

The army also keenly felt the need for measures to bring about the end of the war. To this end, there was approval for limited offensive operations to establish an unassailable position providing they did not impede the progress of military preparations against the Soviet Union or damage operations in China.[13]

The army chief of staff, Sugiyama Gen, submitted the following response to the emperor on 6 January 1942:

Having achieved the completion of stage one of the campaign, operations to blockade the United States and Australia, as well as operations in the Indian Ocean, are being undertaken primarily by the navy. Investigations by subordinates are continuing in accordance with previously submitted draft proposals to promote the end of the war.[14] It would seem, even from this report, that the FS Operation had become a topic of discussion within the offices of the army and navy responsible for operations prior to early January, and that preparations at a lower level had already begun.

On 24 January, staff officer Prince Takeda presented chief of operations Tanaka with a report outlining the results of research, as follows:
This indicates the clear necessity, according to Tanaka, of linking the operation to break trade in the Indian Ocean with the Pacific problem.

On 26 January, the army made the following announcement during a meeting between the offices of the army and navy responsible for operations:[15]
The navy position was as follows:
The army feared an outbreak of war with the Soviet Union in the period between the two operations.

On 30 January the head of the 2nd (Operations) Section of the Army Department, Colonel Hattori Takushirô, explained the operation proposals discussed up to that time with the navy to the army minister, Tôjô Hideki.

The army minister indicated his assent concerning the FS Operation, as follows:

Although there was never a formal decision concerning the FS Operation, the army nevertheless continued with concrete preparations, and on the following day sought approval for invasion operations against eastern New Guinea and the Solomon Islands.

Army Department’s chief of operations, Tanaka, who had championed operations on the southern front, submitted his opinions in a telegraph on 10 February. The telegraph outlined the planned units to be used in the FS Operation, and indicated that the shipping for the operation was to be that returning from the Java operation. Further, the operation was to be initiated from as early as late March through to early April.[16]

Army chief of staff Sugiyama expressed his convictions to his navy counterpart, Nagano, on 16 February as follows:[17]

It can be said that this statement by the army to the navy is a formal declaration of the army’s position: "We do not support operations against Australia; however, the execution of blockade operations between the United States and Australia is acceptable."

The postponement and reinstatement of the FS Operation

Preparations for the FS Operation were under way after an internal decision was taken by the Navy Department of Imperial Headquarters for its execution in April. The decision was then taken, however, to postpone the operation owing to the overall development of the war situation.

The Army Department of Imperial Headquarters decided on an overview for stage two operations in mid-March according to the "Outline of essential future war leadership" established on 7 March, as follows:[18]
This outline of operations and the details of individual campaigns were submitted to the emperor numerous times in late March. The submission concerning the FS Operation was as follows:

The FS Operation was scheduled for "an opportune time no earlier than June" because the fourth phase of the navy’s stage one operations in the Indian Ocean was to finish in early April, and because the army’s Port Moresby operation was slated for May.

However, a US navy task force raided Marcus Island on 4 April. The Japanese Combined Fleet was at that time undertaking redeployment of the formation of its two aircraft carriers for the Indian Ocean operations. As a result of the attack, the schedule for the Indian Ocean operation was extended by ten days.

On the other hand, the army too had decided to temporarily deploy the Kawaguchi Detachment and the 41st Infantry Regiment, which were planned for assignment to the FS Operation, to subjugation operations in central-south Philippines. This sequence of measures naturally delayed the timing of the FS Operation.

After that, on 5 April, the Navy Department of Imperial Headquarters made an internal decision to undertake the Midway invasion operation, which was based on submissions by the Combined Fleet.[19] The date of the operation was set at early June. The FS Operation was fated yet again to be delayed.

The Navy Department, on that day, delivered to the army an unofficial memorandum containing the contents of the decision. The main points of this were as follows:

The operational policies signifying the start of stage two operations, as contained in this internal memorandum, were officially discussed between the operations offices of the army and navy on 12 April.

The army had previously admitted the necessity of the operations in the Aleutian Islands, and so readily agreed in principle with the invasion, but temporarily held the deployment of its units in reserve. The army strongly opposed the Midway invasion, however, but was unable to veto it because the navy had indicated that it could execute the operation independently.

It was decided to overview the deployment of army units based on previous research through mutual consent of the army and navy, and that the operation would be undertaken in early July. Meanwhile, the invasion of the Bataan Peninsula in the Philippines had ended and the fortress at Corregidor came to be regarded as a problem. The Southern Area Army swept away all opposition during its pursuit operations in northern Burma. The Anglo–Indian conference, which aimed to strengthen the union between the two, was held on 10 April, but the political situation between Britain and India was in turmoil.

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Preparations for the Fiji and Samoa Operation by Imperial Headquarters

Strategic situation in the Fiji and Samoa area

On 19 March 1942, the army chief of staff Sugiyama presented the emperor with an overview of outlying strategic areas. According to a note in the margin of the original response to a question from the emperor, the military situation in the Fiji and Samoa area was as follows:[20]

According to postwar investigations, the Allies paid great attention to the line of supply between the United States and Australia from an early time. The brigade of New Zealand troops which had been sent to Fiji in November 1940 was further strengthened to total approximately four thousand troops by December 1941.

The Allies in the pre-war period had underestimated the offensive strength of the Japanese armed forces. As a reaction against this, even experts tended to overstate the speed of the Japanese thrust once the war had started. For example, a prominent US authority issued the following warning concerning New Zealand on 8 January 1942: "There is a possibility that a Japanese force comprising one division and four aircraft carriers will invade Fiji after 10 January." The British chief of staff concluded at the end of March that: "The Japanese advance will be limited to the line of New Caledonia, Fiji, and Samoa, and while it would be extremely difficult, is not impossible that they would continue to New Zealand."

The main strength of a US reinforcement detachment headed for New Caledonia at the beginning of 1942. This force included an infantry brigade, an artillery regiment, a light tank battalion, an anti-aircraft regiment, and a pursuit battalion under the command of a major general. Only a pursuit battalion was stationed on Fiji.[21]

The situation adjusted to the beginning of April 1942 was as follows:

Decision on the operational overview</a>]

Research preparations for the FS Operation were undertaken prior to the battle of the Coral Sea with the assumption that Port Moresby would be in Japanese hands. The first problem to be the subject of research for the operation was the order of invasion of the three key areas of Fiji, Samoa, and New Caledonia. Naturally, three proposals were considered:

After consideration of the advantages and disadvantages of the three proposals, the first was adopted.

The next issue was whether the extremely distant island of Samoa should be secured after the initial invasion. It would certainly be beneficial for a thorough blockade of the supply route between the United States and Australia for all three locations to be heavily secured. Samoa would have high value as an advance base for Fiji; furthermore, its naval strategic value would increase after the invasion. However, there were doubts as to whether the island could be secured. The Combined Fleet in particular expressed the seriousness of this doubt. The army initially argued for army garrisons to be stationed on Fiji and New Caledonia, and for a navy garrison at Samoa. The navy, however, argued for the withdrawal of troops after key installations on Samoa had been destroyed. As a result of discussion, it was decided that an army garrison would initially be established on Samoa, and a final decision whether to secure the island or to destroy installations and withdraw would be made dependent on the conditions after the invasion.

The site of the invasion operations was 7,000–8,000 kilometres distant from the Japanese mainland. It was natural, therefore, that great concerns were held for the maintenance of supply after the invasion. The navy had initial responsibility for supplying army units and evacuating casualties, for example, so it was recognised that no disruption to the supply line would occur as long as the Japanese navy maintained its dominance in the region.

The army strength for the operation comprised nine infantry battalions, as detailed below, and an army strength command group (17th Army):

Among these, the unit from the 18th Division led by Major General Kawaguchi Kiyotake had, at the beginning of the war, invaded British Borneo and the 41st Division had participated in the Malaya campaign. These units were considered expert troops, and, along with the South Seas Force, had experience since the start of the war in sea crossings and landings in the face of the enemy.

Army strength for the operation was divided between key targets (with Fiji as the main target) as follows:

The naval strength for the operation, in addition to the landing force troops mentioned above, included the following units:
The Army Department and Navy Department of Imperial Headquarters established the following operational schedule on 18 April:
Imperial Headquarters had concluded preparations for the FS Operation by the end of April. All that remained was to set the operation in motion.

The South Seas Force sea-route invasion of Port Moresby returned in failure owing to the battle of the Coral Sea, which occurred in early March. As a result, Imperial Headquarters decided to incorporate a second invasion of Port Moresby as part of the FS Operation. The Army Department of Imperial Headquarters, however, determined that the double deployment of the South Seas Force was untenable, so consequently assigned a detachment based on the 4th Infantry Regiment from the 2nd Division (called the Aoba Detachment) as the force to participate in the operation. The Aoba Detachment also had experience from the invasion of Java.

Outline of the FS Operation

Following this course of events, Imperial Headquarters decided on an operational plan on 18 May. The main points of this plan are as follows:[23]

The Navy Department of Imperial Headquarters issued an outline of operational policy in response to this, as follows:
Central agreement between the army and navy

As seen above, the various operational outlines of the army and navy were concurrently formulated. Discussions also continued concerning a central agreement between the army and navy in order to execute the operation. It was completed and adopted on 15 May and divided into two parts: agreement on the operations in the New Caledonia, Fijian islands, and Samoan islands areas; and agreement on the Port Moresby operation.[24] The complete text of the agreement is given below:
Various issues concerning the operation

Some issues of particular interest concerning the FS Operation emerged at Imperial Headquarters.

The first was the issue of responsibility for military administration of the occupied territories. Since the start of the war, the army and navy had jointly determined responsibility for the administration of each particular invaded territory.

The responsibility for the military administration of occupied territories in the South Pacific Area was with the navy. It had been planned that the army’s South Seas Force would be transferred to the South-West Area after the completion of the invasion of Rabaul. Consequently, that the navy was to be responsibility for this area was not at issue. However, a problem developed between the army and navy over the issue of responsibility for military administration during the FS Operation.

This concerned the operation of units, guarding, placement and other key factors in the region of the operation (area of occupation). The army felt that it was natural for them to have main responsibility for military administration of operational areas because army units were primarily deployed in the land operations.

Nickel deposits on New Caledonia further complicated the argument over military administration. The issue was not resolved, despite the responsibility for its administration being apportioned in the order of battle for the operation, which was issued on 18 May.

The Operations Section of the Army Department in Imperial Headquarters would not yield and stressed that the army should take charge. The reason for their position was:
There were some among Army General Staff who went as far to say that the army should withdraw its troops from the New Caledonia operation if the navy persisted in taking charge of military administration in the operation. The head of the Navy Department Operations Section, Vice Admiral Fukudome Shigeru, proposed the following to his army counterpart, Lieutenant General Tanaka Shin’ichi:

It is not appropriate to decide matters of agreement between the army and navy because of contingency over military administration. (Editor’s note: Spoken in opposition to the above statements made in Army General Staff.) The Navy General Staff is not disposed to the navy taking charge of military administration in the future. Navy units being concerned with issues like military administration may distract them from their primary focus on strategic mobility. It is natural that the army take charge of military administration in New Caledonia within the limits of maintaining peace and regional self-sufficiency. However, it is also natural that securing natural resources must be incorporated in the materials mobilisation plan. Further, it is desirable that natural resources in the region be developed with the cooperation of the navy and army. There will, by necessity, be navy bases within the sphere of the army’s military administration. I would like to see every effort given by the army to accommodate these bases.[25]

Lieutenant General Tanaka agreed with this proposal, and subsequently those responsible for army and navy military administration bureaus agreed, on 28 May, that the army had responsibility for military administration and that the development of natural resources would be managed with the cooperation of the army and navy.

By this process, the 17th Army command issued the "Overview of control in occupied territories following on from the F Operation" on 3 June. It also determined that the base yield for the first year of developing essential natural resources would be 2,000 tonnes of nickel, and as much cobalt as could be mined. As New Caledonia was French territory, and as Imperial Headquarters wished to remain on friendly terms with the Vichy French, it took the position that formal military control would not be administered on the island.

A further issue concerned strategies against the Australian government. While the Navy Department within Imperial Headquarters championed the debate over the invasion of Australia, the army opposed the plan for a range of reasons.

On 25 May, chief of operations Tanaka made inquiries concerning this issue to assistant chief of staff Tanabe. They recognised the need to integrate a strategy against Australia during the execution of the FS Operation. Psychological warfare was considered especially important.

The prime minister, Tôjô, in response to the situation after the fall of Singapore, made an address in the Imperial Japanese Diet on 17 February, calling on the leaders and people of India, Australia, and the Netherlands East Indies to end their futile resistance. He again called on the leaders of Australia in an administrative policy speech during an extraordinary session of the Diet on 28 May, indicating that there would be no other opportunity but the present to act decisively.

Assistant chief of staff Tanabe and chief of operations Tanaka, following the spirit of the address by the prime minister, pursued a strategy to accurately illustrate Japan’s true intention to Australia’s leaders, namely to respect the sovereignty of Australia’s territories in return for Australia promising to maintain neutrality. The ultimate aim was to incorporate Australia politically into the fold of the Greater East Asian Co-prosperity Sphere, but in the short term the strategy was to remove Australia from the war.

Chief of operations Tanaka investigated the feasibility of several methods, including the despatch of junior special emissaries, and political manoeuvring by using the Australian government representative in New Caledonia and the undersea telegraph cable that ran between Sydney and Noumea.

Tanaka considered that, in the case where Australia would not respond to these demands, it would be necessary to undertake psychological warfare in the form of attacks on Australia. In addition, he would plan to disrupt contact between the Australian government and the governments of other countries. High command of the army had also long waited for the arrival of a good chance to solve the Australia problem, an opportunity that was presented with the execution of the FS Operation.

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Formation of the 17th Army

Announcement of the order of battle

The order of battle for the 17th Army, the army for the FS Area Operation, was promulgated by "Great army order no. 632" on 18 May 1942 and came into effect at zero hour on 20 May. This was the first time that a new operational army had been formed since the start of the war.

The order of battle of the 17th Army was as follows (the brackets indicate the unit’s previous association or location):

The South Seas Force, which had assembled at Rabaul, came under the authority of the 17th Army Headquarters as a result of this order. The South Seas Force was simultaneously strengthened with the 47th Field Anti-aircraft Artillery Battalion (two companies missing) from the 14th Army. One company from this unit had previously been transferred to the force.

The staging point for the main strength of the army was at Davao on Mindanao Island. Units would come under the authority of the 17th Army Headquarters upon their arrival at Davao. However, the 7th Independent Wireless Platoon and the 44th and 45th Fixed Wireless Units were ordered to proceed directly to Rabaul. They would come under the authority of the 17th Army Headquarters immediately on their departure from Hong Kong towards the Philippines.

The 17th Army command came under the administration of the Eastern Army Headquarters. It was ordered to form on 2 May, and this was completed at the Army Staff College on 20 May. On that day, "From zero hour, units not yet under army command will undertake administrative formations in preparation for operations."[26] The command of the South Seas Force was activated from that day.

The commander of the 17th Army was Lieutenant General Hyakutake Haruyoshi. He had transferred from the Army Signals Academy, and was therefore an authority on Japanese communications, especially regarding codes. The army chief of staff was Major General Futami Akisaburô, and the senior staff officer was Lieutenant Colonel Matsumoto Hiroshi.

The command of the 17th Army had no logistics-related units, only several lightly staffed bridge-building and military administration squads. Even so, the staff office had only three men. Further, the attack units were not organised as an offensive force, but a miscellany of units based on three infantry battalions. It would perhaps be more appropriate to call it a garrison army rather than an operational army. The critical defect was the lack of aircraft absolutely necessary for quality operations, especially the lack of aircraft needed for command coordination. Staff officer Matsumoto requested army aircraft for this purpose from the staff officer responsible for aircraft within the Operations Section in Imperial Headquarters, Lieutenant Colonel Kakemon Arifumi. His request, however, was denied because the Army Department wanted to rely on the navy’s air strength.

There was virtually no practical role for the 17th Army as an army. The army command could only fulfil a subjugation management role after landing.

Announcement of the army orders

Imperial Headquarters telegraphed the following orders to 17th Army Headquarters on the same day that the order of battle was issued:

The army chief of staff subsequently issued the operational outline on that day, as well as a central agreement concerning the operation.

The Navy Department of Imperial Headquarters also issued orders to the command of the Combined Fleet on 18 May. These ordered the Combined Fleet to "cooperate with the commanders of the 17th Army to invade key areas in the New Caledonia and Fijian islands and in the region of Samoa, and to smash main enemy bases in these areas". The Navy Department also issued instructions as follows:

The operation against Port Moresby was only mentioned in the new central agreement cited above.

Air operations were determined according to documents attached to the central agreement, as follows:
However, instructions concerning transport along the line of communication between the command of the 17th Army and the command of the Southern Area Army were as follows:[27]
The army chief of staff, Sugiyama, requested the following of the commanders of the 17th Army:
Further, the chief of operations, Tanaka, provided explanation to the high command of the 17th Army concerning key aspects of the operational outline and the central agreement, as follows:
The official support of the army minister was sought concerning the initiation of the FS Operation. To this end, the head of the Imperial Headquarters Operations Section, Hattori, visited army minister Tôjô on 18 May. The minister expressed his discontent, explaining that "It is problematic that you seek support for such an important operation just prior to its execution." In fact, as previously explained, the Military Affairs Bureau of the Army Ministry and the army minister had been consulted from the earliest stages concerning the operation.

Army minister Tôjô also stated at this meeting that "The Samoa invasion must be carried out only by navy forces." The decision whether to secure or abandon Samoa was to be made immediately after the invasion. However, it was explained that this would place the occupation of Fiji itself in a very difficult situation, because in the case a force was to be stationed on Samoa, then it would be extremely difficult to secure Samoa without the participation of army troops.

Finally, army minister Tôjô indicated that he was opposed to using army air units in this operation. However, this did not become an issue as no air units were planned for the operation. This was primarily because the army minister held great concerns for air defences in the war of attrition in the Burma theatre and at Palembang.[28]

The departure of the 17th Army headquarters

The 17th Army headquarters were dissatisfied with their formation and the army’s order of battle. However, they had the full support of the Combined Fleet, which had achieved great successes since the start of the war, so approached the coming operation with optimism.

The 17th Army staff office had received news of the results of the battle of the Coral Sea and the cancellation of the South Seas Force sea-route invasion of Port Moresby prior to leaving Tokyo, but was relatively unconcerned. The Coral Sea battle had been a standard naval engagement, but the staff office considered it a great victory for the Japanese navy.[29]

The staff office did not feel that future battles would be any fiercer than previous engagements. Establishment personnel were insufficient, so female typists were employed. Complaints were issued by the assistant staff officer when they were allocated the code number "Oki 9802". The Japanese reading of this code suggested that they would "become swallowed by the open sea", so it was changed to "Oki 9811".[30]

The military deployment topographical charts given to the 17th Army headquarters by Imperial Headquarters were nothing more that civil topographical maps. Consequently, a survey of people residing in the area of the FS Operation was undertaken. Allied military deployments in the area were limited to those previously indicated by Imperial Headquarters. It was judged that only a small force made up of local troops would oppose them, providing very little resistance. Their only concern was for maintenance of supply.[31] Research into local self-sufficiency was consequently undertaken without waiting for instructions from Imperial Headquarters.

Preparations for issues of cooperation with the navy for the operation were undertaken solely by Imperial Headquarters. However, very few of the arrangements actually required, aside from some ceremonial matters, could be made in Tokyo. The only business remaining was to be completed by the navy at the Truk staging point.

As a result of investigations based on the operational outline provided to 17th Army headquarters by Imperial Headquarters, the following infantry group order of battle was issued:
It was decided that the various elements of the army would assemble between late June and early July: the main strength at Truk, the Aoba Detachment at Parao, and the South Seas Force at Rabaul. Military orders concerning the operational preparations were issued in Tokyo on 28 May. Operational plans for the army were subsequently defined on 4 June.

Imperial Headquarters had previously considered whether to strengthen the 17th Army with an anti-aircraft presence, and on 4 June, agreed to deploy two field anti-aircraft battalions: one battalion for the Fiji area, one company for the Samoa area, and the remaining two companies to New Caledonia.

Headquarters of the 17th Army planned to leave Japan after 10 June and proceed to Truk on the high-speed transport Ayatosan Maru. The commander and chief of staff left Tokyo in high spirits on 7 June by plane bound for Davao via Fukuoka and Manila.

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Cancellation of the FS Operation

The naval battle at Midway on 5 June ended in defeat for the Japanese navy. The effect of this defeat on the overall operational situation of the Greater East Asian War and war leadership was enormous. The operations in the South Pacific also were highly sensitive to the effects of the defeat. The FS Operation was initially postponed for two months, then cancelled outright. In addition, the Port Moresby invasion was switched from the sea route to the overland route.

Postponement of the FS Operation

The Operations Section of Navy General Staff summoned all staff officers at noon on 6 June and advised them that the four aircraft carriers Akagi, Kaga, Sôryû, and Hiryû had sunk, and that the main strength of the Combined Fleet was assembled behind the engagement line some 2,500 kilometres to the west of Hawaii. They added the opinion that the FS Operation should be delayed by at least two months.[32]

The countenance of chief of staff Yamamoto was grave as he announced the news. For the army chief of staff, this was a bolt from the blue. Chief of army operations, Tanaka, who had already known of the news, said: "We have lost supremacy in the Pacific through this unforeseen great defeat." The army chief of staff, Sugiyama, stated: "The two years of security provided by Admiral Nagano is smashed. We must choose a method outside of the Pacific region to lay low the enemy."[33]

At 4.40 pm on 6 June, the chief of staff of the Combined Fleet telegraphed the following to the chief of operations in the Navy General Staff:
The chief of operations replied by telegraph: In light of the changed circumstances, such as the great reduction in our carrier strength, the Midway Operation will be postponed. Preparations for future operations that have been proposed, such as in the New Caledonia and Fiji areas, will also take some time. I would like decisions to be made based on further research.[34]

The following day, 7 June, the Navy Department of Imperial Headquarters proposed to the emperor that the Midway Operation be cancelled. Orders to this effect were subsequently issued by the commander of the Combined Fleet. Agreement on direction of future operations was reached that afternoon in a research conference between the operations sections of the Army Department and Navy Department. The outline of this was as follows:[35]

That same day the Operations Section determined the following "Outline of managing the FS Operation in response to the conditions":[36]

On the following day, 8 June, the army and navy high commanders together presented to the emperor future measures to be taken following on from the operational changes. This took the form of amendments to the army and navy central agreements concerning operations in the Aleutian Islands and Midway, and the FS Operation.

Chief of Navy General Staff, Admiral Nagano, stated in the proposal to the emperor that the Midway Operation "should be postponed for the present as current conditions do not permit its adequate prosecution". Concerning the FS Operation, he explained that: "It was planned to start in early July. However, the operation should be postponed by about two months given the need to prepare reinforcements for naval air strength for Midway, and the unknown strength of our fleet."[37]

The commanders of the 17th Army were informed of these plans by a staff officer from Imperial Headquarters, Imoto, at Fukuoka on 8 June. The army chief of staff expressed his deep wish that the operation be carried out as soon as possible.[38]

The Army Department of Imperial Headquarters issued the following instructions to the commander of the 17th Army on 12 June:
Imperial Headquarters was to send elements of the Ichiki Detachment back to Japan, but they decided to send them to Guam owing to concerns over counter-espionage. After their arrival at Guam, they would be removed from the command of the 2nd Fleet, and though continuing their previous duties, would undertake training under the direct command of Imperial Headquarters.

Cancellation of the FS Operation

The above measures taken in the South-East Area after the defeat at Midway were now completed. The Navy General Staff issued the following "Operational leadership policy for the area" on 13 June:[39]
The Operations Section of Navy General Staff undertook more research for the operational outline of the FS Operation. The advantages and disadvantages of the three proposals discussed above concerning the order of attacks on key sites at New Caledonia, Fiji, and Samoa were also reinvestigated.

The first proposal (to attack New Caledonia, then Fiji and Samoa) had the advantage of nearby Japanese bases. The Allied base at Efate in the New Hebrides would be invaded and used as an advance base. However, there were fears that the Allies would then strengthen the defences at Fiji, but especially at Samoa. It was judged that if the invasion was undertaken within a month or so, the build-up would only be small scale.

The second proposal (to invade all three simultaneously) needed sufficient troop numbers to be effective. Though this was the preferred proposal, it had the disadvantage of dividing the strength of units. It was felt that difficulties could arise if the circumstances changed after pursuing several attacking fronts.

Proposal three (to attack New Caledonia after invading Fiji and Samoa) would strike through the Allies’ strongest point first. However, this proposal’s flaw lay in its dependence on air support from Japanese bases, and the unpredictability of that support being available.

Ultimately, it was decided that proposal one was still the most advantageous.[40]

The Combined Fleet returned to the western sector of home waters on 14 June.

The following day, Vice Admiral Itô Seiichi, assistant chief of navy staff, and other senior staff officers were despatched to the Combined Fleet to hold discussions concerning the new operations leadership policy. The Combined Fleet agreed in general to the points in the leadership policy, and came to an overall consensus concerning the reorganisation of the Combined Fleet.[41]

Incidentally, two Combined Fleet staff officers, Miwa Yoshio and Fujii Shigeru, visited Imperial Headquarters on 22 June. They strongly pressed for the cautious argument that the mobile carrier force should only be used against enemy sea units. There would be no uncertainty if airbase units were used at New Caledonia during the FS Operation. However, with no such certainty for the Fiji and Samoa operations, these invasions should be postponed and reconsidered. The staff officers also added that these were also the opinions of the commander of the Combined Fleet.[42]

The 11th Air Fleet sent its appraisal of the FS Operation to Imperial Headquarters on 30 June. This stated that the inability to utilise Zero fighters would be a difficulty for the campaign. (Zero fighters had an 87 per cent strike-rate, compared to 13 per cent for land-based attack planes in the air war of attrition in the South-West Area.) They further stated that if reinforcements to equipment and personnel could be supplied, then while the execution of the operation would not be easy, they were confident of success. However, because the attack on Moresby was to be undertaken before the FS Operation, the enemy air strength at the Port Moresby bases had to be dealt with. Consequently, the 11th Air Fleet proposed the following timetable for the execution of the campaigns:[43]

This proposal was adopted on 18 May, but contained points of fundamental difference with the operational outline mentioned above. This proposal was based on the idea that airbases would be successively advanced to cover a series of invasion operations within the sphere of air control.

Negotiations between the Navy Department and the Combined Fleet concerning subsequent operations reached a decisive stage on 5 July. At that time, staff officer Miwa forwarded the commanders the frank view that he would like the FS Operation to be discontinued. Further, he wanted the newly formed 3rd Fleet to be sent to the Canton Island area in the Phoenix Islands under the protection of Japanese airbases in the Gilbert Islands to lure the Allied fleet into a decisive battle. If the Allied fleet could be destroyed in this battle, then the FS Operation could be carried out quite simply.[44]

The Navy Department subsequently made the decision to temporarily discontinue the FS Operation.

While the navy was undertaking research for these various modified proposals, the Operations Section of the Army Department of Imperial Headquarters in the latter half of June was continuing preparations for research into overall plans for second stage operations, immersing itself in studies for the Szechwan Operations (the so-called Chungking Invasion Operation).[45]

The Navy’s Operations Section submitted to its army counterparts on 7 July the plan to temporarily discontinue the FS Operation. These documents provided a detailed explanation of the reasons for this decision, and are reproduced below:[46]
Of interest in these instructions is the first concrete reference in item 2 to the plan recommending the establishment of a land airbase in the Tulagi area. This will be discussed below in further detail.

Leadership for subsequent operations

In addition to the above-quoted "Reasons why the FS Operation must be unavoidably discontinued at this time", the Operations Section of the Navy General Staff also issued to the army "Instructions relating to the process of modifying the operational leadership policy". Appendix no. 3 of this document, reproduced below, contains a statement of the navy concerning subsequent operational leadership:[47]
The army accepted the navy’s detailed reasoning in this submission and eventually agreed to the proposal to invade Port Moresby by the overland route. The duties of the Ichiki Detachment were subsequently cancelled on 9 July and it was ordered back to Japan. In addition, the duties of the 17th Army were modified to speedily adopt measures only to aid the invasion of Port Moresby and key areas in New Guinea, thus adopting a stance conforming to subsequent overall strategic leadership.[48]

On the following day, 10 July, talks were held between the navy chief of staff, Admiral Nagano, and the army chief of staff, General Sugiyama. The main points of these talks were as follows:[49]

This conversation between the commanders contains important hints of subsequent war and strategic leadership. It is evident that concerning attacks on Australia, the navy tended to apply its strength to the Indian Ocean rather than the Pacific, and that it was never confident of success in the blockade operation between the United States and Australia by means of the FS Operation. Of special note is the inauspicious appraisal of the future of the Rabaul base.

The statement of the army chief of staff contained a favourable account of the army’s continuing great interest in India and western Asia. This conforms to the aim at the opening of the war to break the spirit of the United States by first forcing Britain to surrender, rather than taking direct measures of this kind against the United States.

The preoccupation of the Army Department of Imperial Headquarters with research into the invasion of Chungking has previously been mentioned. Chief of operations Tanaka stressed either the importance of attacking Chungking with army troops and abandoning plans for a decisive naval battle against the United States somewhere in the Pacific, or the idea of joint army and navy incursions into India and western Asia to act in concert with Germany.[50]

At that time, the Japanese army’s domination of Burma was almost complete, and its pressure on India was intensifying. In Africa, it seemed that the German and Italian armies were sweeping all before them.

The Army Department and Navy Department of Imperial Headquarters decided on 11 July to abandon plans to restage the Midway Operation, and also decided to cancel the FS Operation for the time being. There were great expectations for the proposal that the FS Operation would be undertaken after December 1942. Later that day, Admiral Nagano presented these items to the emperor.[51] Orders were issued for the responsibility of the "Midway Operation and the invasion of key areas in the FS Region" to be taken from the commander of the Combined Fleet, and for the "Army and navy central agreement relating to the FS and Moresby Operations" to be scrapped.

On the army side, orders were issued on that day dissolving the duties of the Ichiki Detachment and ordering its formation to stand down after it returned to port in Japan. The following "Great army order no. 657" was also issued to the commander of the 17th Army:[52]

As mentioned above, the operational outline for the Port Moresby invasion was leaning towards the overland route. At the time, however, instructions for the operation were pending on the outcome of the Ri Operation research. This will be discussed in detail in the next chapter.

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Notes

1 Dairikumei, Daikairei, Dairikushi, oyobi Daikaishi no kakutsuzuri (Bundles of Great Army Orders, Great Navy Orders, Great Army Instructions, and Great Navy Instructions).
2 Dairikumei, Daikairei, Dairikushi, oyobi Daikaishi no kakutsuzuri (Bundles of Great Army Orders, Great Navy Orders, Great Army Instructions, and Great Navy Instructions).
3 Dairikumei, Daikairei, Dairikushi, oyobi Daikaishi no kakutsuzuri (Bundles of Great Army Orders, Great Navy Orders, Great Army Instructions, and Great Navy Instructions).
4 Dairikumei, Daikairei, Dairikushi, oyobi Daikaishi no kakutsuzuri (Bundles of Great Army Orders, Great Navy Orders, Great Army Instructions, and Great Navy Instructions).
5 Daihon’ei seifu renraku kaigi kettei tsuzuri (Decisions of Imperial Headquarters–government liaison conferences).
6 Daihon’ei seifu renraku kaigi giji roku (Record of discussions of Imperial Headquarters–government liaison conferences).
7 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
8 Ugaki Matome, Sensôroku (A record of war).
9 Fukudome Shigeru, Fukudome Shigeru Shôshô no kaisô (Recollections of Rear Admiral Fukudome Shigeru).
10 Fukudome Shigeru, Fukudome Shigeru Shôshô no kaisô (Recollections of Rear Admiral Fukudome Shigeru).
11 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
12 Daihon’ei seifu renraku kaigi giji roku (Record of discussions of Imperial Headquarters–government liaison conferences).
13 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
14 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
15 Imoto Kumao, Imoto Kumao Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Colonel Imoto Kumao).
16 Nantô Taiheiyô Hômen kankei denpô tsuzuri (Telegrams related to the South-East Pacific Area).
17 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
18 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
19 Tomioka Sadatoshi, Tomioka Sadatoshi Taisa no kaisô (Recollections of Captain Tomioka Sadatoshi).
20 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
21 Maurice Matloff, Strategic planning for coalition warfare (Washington, 1953–59), p. 51.
22 Imoto Kumao, Imoto Kumao Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Colonel Imoto Kumao).
23 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
24 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
25 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
26 Dairikumei, Daikairei, Dairikushi, oyobi Daikaishi no kakutsuzuri (Bundles of Great Army Orders, Great Navy Orders, Great Army Instructions, and Great Navy Instructions).
27 Dairikumei, Daikairei, Dairikushi, oyobi Daikaishi no kakutsuzuri (Bundles of Great Army Orders, Great Navy Orders, Great Army Instructions, and Great Navy Instructions).
28 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
29 Matsumoto Takeshi, Matusmoto Takeshi Chûsa no kaisô (Recollections of Lieutenant Colonel Matsumoto Takeshi).
30 Futami Akisaburô, Kodôki oyobi kaisôroku (Record of a beating heart and recollections) (1967).
31 Matsumoto Takeshi, Matusmoto Takeshi Chûsa no kaisô (Recollections of Lieutenant Colonel Matsumoto Takeshi).
32 Imoto Kumao, Imoto Kumao Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Colonel Imoto Kumao).
33 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
34 Sanagi Kowashi, Sanagi Kowashi Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Sanagi Kowashi).
35 Sanagi Kowashi, Sanagi Kowashi Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Sanagi Kowashi).
36 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
37 Minami Taiheiyô sakusen shiryô (Documents of operations in the South Pacific).
38 Imoto Kumao, Imoto Kumao Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Colonel Imoto Kumao).
39 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
40 Sanagi Kowashi, Sanagi Kowashi Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Sanagi Kowashi).
41 Sanagi Kowashi, Sanagi Kowashi Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Sanagi Kowashi).
42 Sanagi Kowashi, Sanagi Kowashi Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Sanagi Kowashi).
43 Sanagi Kowashi, Sanagi Kowashi Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Sanagi Kowashi).
44 Sanagi Kowashi, Sanagi Kowashi Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Sanagi Kowashi).
45 Imoto Kumao, Imoto Kumao Chûsa nisshi (Diary of Lieutenant Colonel Imoto Kumao).
46 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
47 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
48 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
49 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
50 Tanaka Shin’ichi, Tanaka Shin’ichi Shôshô no nisshi ni motozuku shuki (Record based on the diary of Major General Tanaka Shin’ichi).
51 Sakusen kankei jûyô shorui tsuzuri (Important documents related to operations).
52 Dairikumei, Daikairei, Dairikushi, oyobi Daikaishi no kakutsuzuri (Bundles of Great Army Orders, Great Navy Orders, Great Army Instructions, and Great Navy Instructions).

Translated by: Dr Steven Bullard

Original text: Bôeichô Bôei Kenshûjo Senshishitsu (ed), Senshi sôsho: Minami Taiheiyô Rikugun sakusen <1> Pôto Moresubi–Gashima shoko sakusen (War history series: South Pacific area army operations (1), Port Moresby–Guadalcanal first campaigns) (Tokyo: Asagumo Shinbunsha, 1968): 119–166.
Reference for this web page: http://ajrp.awm.gov.au/ajrp/ajrp2.nsf/translation/Chapter3?opendocument


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